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BUSH ATROCITIES ARTICLE 5

 

Bush Family Values: War, Wealth, Oil    Go to Original

          Bush Family Values: War, Wealth, Oil

          By Kevin Phillips

          The Los Angeles Times

          Sunday 08 February 2004

        Four generations have created an unsavory web of links that could prove

        an election-year Achilles' heel for the president.

           WASHINGTON — Despite February polls showing President Bush losing his

      early reelection lead, he's still the favorite. No modern president

      running unopposed in his party's primaries and caucuses has ever lost in

      November.

           But there may be a key to undoing that precedent. The two Bush

      presidencies are so closely linked, especially over Iraq , that the 43rd

      can't be understood apart from the 41st. Beyond that, for a full portrait

      of what the Bushes are about, we must return to the family's emergence on

      the national scene in the early 20th century.

           This four-generation evolution of the Bushes involves multiple links

      that could become Bush's election-year Achilles' heel — if a clever and

      tough 2004 Democratic opponent can punch and slice at them. Massachusetts

      Sen. John F. Kerry, the clear Democratic front-runner, could be best

      positioned to do so. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, he investigated

      the Iran-Contra and Bank of Credit and Commerce International scandals,

      both of which touched George H.W. Bush's Saudi, Iraqi and Middle Eastern

      arms-deal entanglements.

           Washington lawyer Jack Blum, the ace investigator for Kerry's

      subcommittee back then, is said to be advising him now, which could be

      meaningful. Ironically, the Bush family's century of involvement in oil,

      armaments and global intrigue has never been at the center of the national

      debate since the Bushes starting running for president in 1980.

           The reason? Insufficient public knowledge. The only Bush biography

      published before George H.W. Bush won election in 1988 was a puff job

      written by a former press secretary, and the biographies of George W. Bush

      in 2000 barely mentioned his forefathers. Millions of Republicans who have

      loyally voted for Bushes in three presidential elections simply have no

      idea. Here are circumstances and biases especially worth noting.

           The Bushes and the military-industrial complex: George H. Walker and

      Samuel Prescott Bush were the dynasty's founding fathers during the years

      of and after World War I. Walker, a St. Louis financier, made his mark in

      corporate reorganizations and war contracts. By 1919, he was enlisted by

      railroad heir W. Averell Harriman to be president of Wall Street-based WA

      Harriman, which invested in oil, shipping, aviation and manganese, partly

      in Russia and Germany , during the 1920s. Sam Bush, the current president's

      other great-grandfather, ran an Ohio company, Buckeye Steel Castings, that

      produced armaments. In 1917, he went to Washington to head the small arms,

      ammunition and ordnance section of the federal War Industries Board. Both

      men were present at the emergence of what became the U.S.

      military-industrial complex.

           Prescott Bush, the Connecticut senator and grandfather of the current

      president, had some German corporate ties at the outbreak of World War II,

      but the better yardstick of his connections was his directorships of

      companies involved in U.S. war production. Dresser Industries, for

      example, produced the incendiary bombs dropped on Tokyo and made gaseous

      diffusion pumps for the atomic bomb project. George H.W. Bush later worked

      for Dresser's oil-services businesses. Then, as CIA director, vice

      president and president, one of his priorities was the U.S. weapons trade

      and secret arms deals with Iran , Iraq , Saudi Arabia and the moujahedeen in

      Afghanistan .

           In his 1961 farewell address, President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned

      about how "we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence,

      whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex." That

      complex's recent mega-leap to power came under George H.W. Bush and even

      more under George W. Bush — with the post-9/11 expansion of the military

      and creation of the Department of Homeland Security. But armaments and

      arms deals seem to have been in the Bushes' blood for nearly a century.

           Oil: The Bushes' ties to John D. Rockefeller and Standard Oil go back

      100 years, when Rockefeller made Buckeye Steel Castings wildly successful

      by convincing railroads that carried their oil to buy heavy equipment from

      Buckeye. George H. Walker helped refurbish the Soviet oil industry in the

      1920s, and Prescott Bush acquired experience in the international oil

      business as a 22-year director of Dresser Industries. George H.W. Bush, in

      turn, worked for Dresser and ran his own offshore oil-drilling business,

      Zapata Offshore. George W. Bush mostly raised money from investors for oil

      businesses that failed. Currently, the family's oil focus is principally

      in the Middle East .

           Enron is another family connection. The company's Kenneth L. Lay made

      his first connections with George H.W. Bush in the early 1980s when the

      latter was working on energy deregulation. When Bush became president in

      1989, he gave Lay two prominent international roles: membership on the

      President's Export Council and the task of planning for a G-7 summit in

      Houston . Lay parlayed that exposure into new business overseas and clout

      with Washington agencies. Family favoritism soon followed. When Bush

      senior lost the 1992 election, Lay picked up with son George W., first in

      Texas and then as a top contributor to Bush's 2000 presidential campaign.

      Before Enron imploded in late 2001, it had more influence in a new

      administration than any other corporation in memory.

           The intelligence community: Bushes and Walkers have been involved

      with the intelligence community since World War I. The importance of Sam

      Bush's wartime munitions-regulating role was obvious. During the 1920s,

      when George H. Walker was doing a lot of business in Russia and Germany ,

      he became a director of the American International Corporation, formed

      during the war for purposes of overseas investment and

      intelligence-gathering. Prescott Bush's pre-1941 corporate and banking

      contacts with Germany , sensationalized on many Internet sites, appear to

      have been passed along to officials in government and intelligence

      circles.

           George H.W. Bush may have had CIA connections before the agency's

      unsuccessful Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961. A number of published

      sources suggest that Zapata Offshore was a CIA front long before he went

      on to become director of Central Intelligence in 1976. As for George W.

      Bush, his limited ties are said to have come through investments in, and

      buyouts of, several of his oil businesses by CIA- and BCCI-connected firms

      and individuals.

           Top 1% economics: Over four generations, the Bush family has been

      involved with more than 20 securities firms, banks, brokerage houses and

      investment management firms, ranging from Wall Street giants like Brown

      Brothers Harriman and E.F. Hutton to small firms like J. Bush & Co. and

      Riggs Investment Management Corp. This relentless record of handling money

      for rich people has bred a vocational hauteur. In their eyes, the economic

      top 1% of Americans are the ones who count. Investors and their inheritors

      are favored — a good explanation of why George W. Bush has cut taxes on

      both dividends and estates, where most of the benefit goes to the top 1%.

      Over the course of George H.W. Bush's career, he was close to a number of

      the merger kings and leveraged-buyout specialists of the 1980s who came

      from Oklahoma and Texas : T. Boone Pickens, Henry Kravis and Hugh Liedtke.

      "Little guy" economics has almost no niche in the Bush economic worldview.

 

           Debt and deficits: Whenever a Bush is president, private debt and

      government deficits seem to grow. Middle- and low-income Americans borrow

      to offset the income squeeze of recessions. The hallmark of Bush economics

      during both presidencies has been favoritism toward capital over workers.

      Federal budget deficits have soared because of a combination of

      upper-bracket tax favors, middle-income job shrinkage, big federal

      spending to hype election-year economic growth, huge defense outlays and

      overseas military spending for the wars in Iraq and elsewhere. Imperial

      hubris costs a lot of money.

           Politically, over four generations the Bush past has been prologue.

      Despite George W. Bush's new good ol' boy image — cowboy boots and

      born-again ties to the religious right — his basic tendencies go in the

      same directions — oil, crony capitalism, top 1% economics and

      military-industrial-establishment loyalties — that the previous Bush and

      Walker generations have traveled. The old biases and loyalties seem

      ineradicable; so, too, for old grudges, like the two-generation fixation

      on Saddam Hussein.

           The presidency is an old Bush ambition. As early as the 1940s,

      Barbara Bush talked to friends about becoming first lady. The current

      president's grandfather, Prescott Bush, told his wife before he retired in

      1962 that he wished he'd been president. By 1963, George W. Bush, a

      student at Andover Academy , was talking about his own father's desire to

      be president.

           In short, the word "dynasty" fits the Bushes all too well. They have

      had plenty of time to sort out their ambitions, loyalties and intentions.

      They know what they're in politics for — although this year may pose a new

      problem. The American people are also starting to find out.

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